Chenango Plantation
Brazosport Archaeological Society
Photograph Courtesy of Brazoria County Historical Museum Library 1936
Benjamin Fort Smith moved to Brazoria County, Texas from Mississippi in 1832 and bought two tracts of land in the William Harris League east of Oyster Creek comprising ~1300 acres. Producing corn and cotton using African slaves he smuggled from Cuba he established Point Pleasant Plantation. The plantation became a way station for African slaves illegally brought from Cuba by the notorious slave smuggler Monroe Edwards who owned the plantation for a short period changing the name to Chenango according to tradition[1] In 1839 while living in Galveston, Texas James Love, noted jurist and partisan politician, acquired the property, which had grown to ~3400 acres in the William Harris, Joshua Abbott, and Stephen Richardson Leagues through the transactions of several previous owners. He and his co-investor, Albert T. Burnley of New Orleans, ran the plantation in absentia until 1852 when William H. Sharpe of Louisiana acquired Love’s interest having bought Burnley’s share in 1850. James Love financed and built the first sugar mill on the property 1849-1852 while William Sharpe improved the mill by adding steam power. With a slave labor force Chenango Plantation was a consistent producer of sugar during the 1850’s. Sharpe developed a partnership with William J. Kyle and Benjamin F. Terry of Fort Bend County while he and his family managed Chenango through the Civil War. A mortgage foreclosure forced a public auction of the property to Henry H. Williams and John L. Darragh of Galveston in 1869. William Sharpe and his son Henry, member of Terry’s Texas Rangers during the Civil War, stayed on the plantation as managers for Darragh using tenant farmers who shared in the crops. By 1881 the Williams heirs assumed total control and in 1884 sold the property to A. C. Barnes. The 1900 hurricane leveled most of the structures on the property. Various groups and land developers have purchased the property over the years. The sugar mill, the only remaining remnant of Chenango Plantation, lies in a state of ruin.
William Harris of Maine received from the Mexican Government the grant for his league of land on the east side of the Brazos River along Oyster Creek July 10, 1824. The 1826 Census of Austin’s Colony listed him as a farmer and stock raiser aged between twenty five and forty. He had a wife, Ruth [2], one son and a daughter. While he was in Brazoria County in the middle 1830’s he did not settle on his league of land. Early on he sold several tracts from the league.
Texas General Land Office 1879
(Chenango Station on the International & Great Northern Railway is not Chenango Plantation)
Benjamin Fort Smith [3] of Hinds County Mississippi moved to Texas in late 1832 and became a citizen in 1833. Benjamin F. Smith acquired ~600 acres previous to 1835 and January 1835 he bought another 781 acres south of his original tract from Jared E. Groce [Brazoria County Deed Record [4] C: 207/08]. Benjamin F. Smith would make this ~1300 acres his home, Point Pleasant Plantation.
Eastern Portion of the William Harris League, Abstract 71
His sister Sarah David [5] married Joseph R. Terry in Kentucky April 17, 1816. Sarah and Joseph Terry reportedly separated about 1833 because of Joseph’s insistence on running a gambling house in Jackson, Mississippi. She accepted her brother, Benjamin’s proposal to bring her children, move to Texas and reside on his plantation.
In the winter of 1833-34 Benjamin F. Smith made a trip to Cuba to procure African slaves to work his lands. Though the importation of slaves from Africa was illegal, his vessel landed at Edwards’ Point on Galveston Bay. While making his way from Galveston Bay to his plantation Smith became lost and approached the home of Dr. Pleasant W. Rose ~25miles north of his home:
February, 1834
One cold day we could see in the direction of Galveston Bay a large crowd of people. They were coming to our house…When they got near our house there were three white men and a large gang of negroes. One man came in and introduced himself as Ben Fort Smith. He said he lived near Major Bingham’s, and that he was lost and nearly starved. He asked father to let him have two beeves and some bread…One man made a fire near some trees, away from the house. As soon as the beeves were skinned the negroes acted like dogs, they were so hungry. With the help of father and uncle, the white men kept them off till the meat was broiled, and then did not let them eat as much as they could eat. After dinner, Mr. Smith explained to father how he came to be lost on the prairie…The negroes were so enfeebled from close confinement that they could not travel. He rested one day, and would have reached home the next night if he had not got lost Uncle James guarded the negroes. They did not need watching, for after dark they went to sleep and did not wake till morning. They were so destitute of clothing, mother would not permit us children to go near them. Next day they cooked their meat before they began eating.
…After three or four days, he (Harvey Stafford) and Frank (Terry) [6] returned. Mr. Smith’s body servant, Mack, came with them and brought a wagon and team and clothing for the negroes. Mack made them go to the creek, bathe, and card their heads. After they were dressed, he marched them to the house for mother and us little girls to see…They did not understand a word of English. All the men and boys in the neighborhood came to see the wild Africans.
…He (Ben F. Smith) had a large scaffold built over a trench and made fire under it. He butchered the beeves and dried meat over the fire. After a few days he sent Frank Terry and Mack home with the negroes…[7]
During the revolution Benjamin F. Smith participated in hostilities at Gonzales and the siege of Bexar. In November 1835 he left Texas to recruit in Mississippi. Returning in March 1836 he reentered the army as a private and fought in Henry W. Karnes’ cavalry company at San Jacinto. August 1, 1836 he submitted his resignation to General Thomas Rusk which was accepted:
1 August 1836 Camp Coletto
… cannot permit this occasion to pass without expressing to you my entire approbation of your official conduct as well as of your Brave and Chivalrous bearing before the enemy on the plains of San Jacinto…
General Thomas J. Rusk [8]
September 1836 Monroe Edwards bought the plantation, 17 African slaves, and the cotton & corn crop for $35,000 from Benjamin F. Smith [BCDR A: 23/24]. Smith moved to Houston, where he built a hotel early in 1837 while his sister Sarah Terry and her children had previously moved north to a tract of land in the McFarland League to establish her plantation.
Monroe Edwards [9] was born in Danville, Kentucky. Financial reverses in Kentucky caused his father Amos Edwards to move his family to Redfish Bar, later Edwards Point, on the west side of Galveston Bay in ~1828-1830 [10. James Morgan visited Texas in 1830 [11]; he and his partner John Reed of New Orleans moved to Texas in 1831 and established a business at Anahuac on Galveston Bay [12]. Monroe’s clerkship with Morgan at Anahuac helped him learn the means to establish credit, and how to buy and sell cotton on consignment, talents that would later develop in the hands of a swindler. The Mexican authorities imprisoned him with William Barrett Travis, Patrick C. Jack, and others in 1832 at Fort Anahuac [13]. This disturbance led to the Battle of Velasco at the mouth of the Brazos River in June 1832 [14].
After the death of his father in 1832, the lucrative slave trade caught the attention of Monroe Edwards and in the spring of 1833 he and his partner Holcroft of New Orleans landed a shipment of African slaves at Edwards Point. At this time Edwards’ brother-in-law Ritson [15] Morris lived at Edwards Point. They had purchased 196 African slaves at $25 each and sold them for $600 each, realizing a profit of more than $100,000. The event was acknowledged by the Convention of 1833. The convention noted that a vessel had arrived in Galveston Bay, “direct from the island of Cuba laden with negroes recently from the African coast,” the convention resolved that, “we do hold in utter abhorrence all participation, whether direct or indirect, in the African Slave Trade; that we do concur the general indignation which has been manifested throughout the civilized world against that inhuman and unprincipled traffic; and we do therefore earnestly recommend to our constituents, the good people of Texas, that they will not only abstain from all concern in that abominable traffic, but that they will unite their efforts to prevent the evil from polluting our shores; and will aid and sustain the civil authorities in detecting and punishing any similar attempt for the future.” [16] Slaves could easily be purchased for $200 or less in Cuba and sold for $600-800 in Texas. Several “good” citizens of Brazoria County including General James Fannin [17], Sterling McNeel [18], and Benjamin Fort Smith along with Monroe Edwards continued to smuggle slaves into the county. A second cargo landed at Edwards Point in February 1834. This group of slaves was the same slaves previously mentioned owned by Benjamin F. Smith [19].
1848-1850 Coastal Survey Galveston Bay Author’s Collection
On March 2, 1836 the customs collector at Velasco, William S. Fisher, wrote Provisional Governor Smith:
The schooner Shenandoah entered this port on the 28th ult. and proceeded up the river, without reporting. I immediately pursued her… We overhauled the vessel that night, and found that the negroes had been landed –the negroes were, however, found during the night. The negroes I have given up to Mr. Edwards (the owner) on his giving bond and security to the amount of their value, to be held subject to the decision of the government. Sterling McNeal landed a cargo of negroes (Africans) on the coast . I endeavored to seize the vessel but was unsuccessful. This traffic in African Negroes is increasing daily…The number of negroes landed from the Shenandoah is 170[20]
The schooner Dart [21] sailed into Galveston Bay in March 1836 with 90 African slaves from Cuba. These were delivered to Ritson Morris, bringing to 122 the number of Negroes in his care. Shortly before the Battle of San Jacinto, at the approach of the Mexican army, the Texas war schooner Flash removed most of the slaves to Galveston Island. Two of these Africans were taken as far as Nacogdoches during this time as Morris advanced a claim to two Africans that had been held there, alleging that they, together with 120 more had been left in his charge by Monroe Edwards [22].
Monroe Edwards had slaves scattered from the San Bernard River to Galveston Bay. William Fairfax Gray traveling through Texas arrived at Mr. Earle’s home March 25, 1836 and noted:
…He has staying with him four young African Negroes, two males, two females. They were brought here from the West Indies by a Mr. Monroe Edwards. They are evidently native Africans, for they can speak not a word of English, French or Spanish. They look mild, gentle, docile, and have never been used to labor. They are delicately formed; the females in particular have straight, slender figures, and delicate arms and hands. They have the thick lips and negro features, and although understanding not a word of English, are quick of apprehension; have good ears, and repeat words that are spoken to them with remarkable accuracy…Their habits are beastly [23]. Captain Robert J. Calder, writing of his trek from San Jacinto battlefield to Galveston to notify the inhabitants that Santa Anna had been defeated noted:
The party reached the Edwards place at “Red Fish Bar” about noon of the third day. Here they found some provisions and a box of fine Havana cigars. The only living thing they saw was a wild African negro, probably one introduced by Monroe Edwards. [24].
William F. Gray visited the home of Edwards on Galveston Bay April 30, 1836:
…Ran into a cove near Clear Creek, and landed at the home of Mr. Edwards, where we found Ashmore Edwards and his brother-in- law, Ritson Morris (Jaw Bone M.), a Mr. Aldridge, and Mr. Stanley…Edwards is the nephew of Colonel Edwards of Nacogdoches, and the brother of Monroe Edwards, who imported the Guinea Negroes from Cuba about a month ago. About fifty of those poor wretches are now here, living out doors, like cattle. They are all young, the oldest not 25, the youngest, perhaps, not more than 10; boys and girls huddled together. They are diminutive, feeble, spare, squalid, nasty, and beastly in habits. Very few exhibit traits of intellect. None seem ever to have been accustomed to work…One girl sat apart and held no converse with the crowd. She is said to belong to a different tribe from any of the rest, and to stand her dignity. There is a boy also among them, about 14 or 15, a runt, who is acknowledged to be a prince, and deference is shown him. He claims the prerogative of five wives, and flogs them at his pleasure. They are mostly cheerful, sing and dance of [at] nights; wear caps and blankets; will not wear close clothes willingly; some go stark naked. A beef was killed at Morris’ home, 100 yards from Edwards’, and the Africans wrangle and fought for the garbage like dogs or vultures; they saved all the blood they could get, in gourds, and feed on it. An old American negro stood over the beef with a whip, and lashed them off like so many doge to prevent their pulling the raw meat to pieces. This is the nearest approach to cannibalism that I have ever seen.
Morris’ family have gone to the United States in the Koscuisko [25].
After the defeat of Santa Anna two groups of Monroe Edwards’ slaves and Ashmore Edwards returned via the schooner Koscuisko in an agreement with its captain James Spilman with 40 returned from the mouth of the Sabine and 54 from Point Bolivar. The $440 charged for the passage of the slaves and Ashmore Edwards from New Orleans would not be paid quickly by Monroe and would strain his relationship with James Morgan [26].
The slaves landed in February 1836 by Monroe Edwards had been funded in partnership with Christopher Dart of Natchez, Mississippi. In a suit George Knight & Co. vs. Monroe Edwards it was stipulated that “December 1835 money was advanced for the purpose of buying slaves in Cuba to be introduced into Texas and for the purchasing of Cannon for the Government of Texas the last of which cost five hundred dollars… The negroes left Cuba in the winter of 1835-36, and arrived in Texas before the second day of March 1836…The demand charged is admitted by the plaintiffs, and their fifteen hundred dollars were used by Edwards for his intentional benefit” [27]. In a deposition by John E. Sumner of New Orleans for the suit George Knight, Lambreto Fernandez and John Emilius Brylle [28] vs. Monroe Edwards it was stipulated that Edwards pledged he was to receive mortgage money from the firm of McKinney and Williams of Galveston for $500 per slave to pay the debt promptly and return to Cuba to purchase another group of slaves in a short period of time. Benjamin M. Steadman of Vickburg also gave a deposition stating that Edwards and Dart had arrived December 1835 in Havana with ~$50,000 in cash and financed the purchase of 188 slaves at $357 each for a total of $67,116. Additional funds were needed for aiding Monroe Edwards to purchase “Brass cannon, Gun Powder, Cannon Balls, a Jolly boat, fuel, Peas, Beans, Grain, Bananas Oranges…& in saving Monroe Edwards from prison…” [29] The slaves left Havana on the 17th and arrived the 28th of February. Having received Power of Attorney from Monroe Edwards May 16, 1836 in the city of Natchez, August 29, 1836 Christopher Dart signed a note for $35,410 with George Knight & Co. to cover the purchase of these slaves [30]. In return, Edwards signed ½ ownership of his property and Negroes in the Republic of Texas to Dart April 18, 1837 in New Orleans [31].
In September 1836 using funds from the sale of his African slaves as down payment, Monroe Edwards purchased the Chenango Plantation from B. F. Smith’s and on the same day he also purchased a plantation containing a quarter league on the San Bernard for $5000 from Edwin Waller.
[32]
The next day he purchased the Jesse Thompson League less 622 acres on the San Bernard from Columbus Patton for $20,000 [BCDR C: 75/76]. Several more tracts were bought in co-ownership with Peyton R. Splane in other counties in March 1837 [BCDR C: 164/67].
By this time Monroe Edwards was quite a figure in Brazoria County. November 1836 Mary Jane Harris was a passenger with her grandfather on the Julius Ceasar which landed at Quintana. Staying at a two story boarding house she peeped through a wide crack in the partition wall and watched Edwards as he sat at a table eating enormous quantities of baked sweet potatoes. She noted his rich and gaudy attire, his flashing diamonds, and his gaily caparisoned horse. [33] Edwards not only sold slaves but leased them out for terms. Peyton and Ann D. W. Splane contracted to split their cotton crop on “Gin Place” on the west bank of the Brazos River with Edwards furnishing 20 slaves, ½ the teams, and ½ all other expenses for the year 1837 [34].
At this time according to Brazoria County tax records for 1837 & 1838 Monroe Edwards owned:
4404 acres On Galveston Bay (His father’s league) $23,320
4000 acres On Bernardo (Jesse Thompson League) $20,000
1111 acres On Bernardo (Bought from Edwin Waller) $5,555
800 acres Cedar Lake $4,000
1600 acres On Brazos (Possible Chenango?) $8,000
92 Negroes $73,600
200 Head Cattle
8 Oxen
2 Horses
1 mule
Total value $139,500
Although Abner Strobel claimed: “He was kind and generous to his slaves, and they all thought kindly of him, and thought there was no one his equal…[35]” the record seems to prove the contrary. Monroe Edwards was indicted by a grand jury investigating thefts by slaves. The Negroes were not censured, but Edwards was accused of their maltreatment:
Republic of Texas District Court
County of Brazoria Spring Term 1838
We the Grand Jurors upon our oath present, that the Negroes of Monroe Edwards have for some time past been guilty of numerous thefts, in the neighborhood of Columbia, and that from circumstances within our knowledge we believe that they have been impelled to such conduct from want of sufficient food and such treatment as common humanity requires should be extended to slaves, we therefore present the subject taken in consideration of the court [36]
In December 1837, Monroe Edwards decided to make plans for a trip to Europe. While traveling Edwards would leave his brother Ashmore in charge of his business. Being a prominent and highly respected plantation owner, and a man with elevated standards, Monroe intended to see the continent first class.
Edwards would need a considerable amount of cash. In addition to the revenues generated by slave sales and leases he liquidated some of his land holdings by selling his interest in the Jesse Thompson League to William B. P. Gaines for $40,000 which was a nice profit in just over a year’s time. Additionally he sold him an undivided 15th in the town of San Bernardo [37] for $5000 cash. This town was to be located on the east bank of the San Bernard in the Jesse Thompson League [38]
As a preliminary to his voyage, he took a trip to Washington. There the minister of the Republic of Texas to the United States agreed to help him. The minister obtained letters from some of the most outstanding men in the country introducing Monroe Edwards to high statesmen and noblemen of England. Monroefelt the need of a military title to lend dignity and weight to his reputation. Upon arriving on the continent he would choose the title of Colonel and began portraying a hero of the Battle of San Jacinto for his interested new acquaintances.[39]
Before leaving, however, in New York City his past started to catch up to him for a while as he was accosted by J.P. Austin, a collector for the owners of the Koscuisko who Edwards had still neglected to pay. James Morgan had tried on several occasions to collect this debt and finally forwarded it to the owners of the vessel in New York. Monroe Edwards was irate with Morgan and wrote him an “insulting” letter from the Astor House in New York Cit, May 17, 1838. In Morgan’s reply he denied any “malice-envy-nor persecution” on his part but that this was “business” and that since Edwards had not tried to make payment it was out of his hands [40].
While Monroe Edwards was in Europe the note to George Knight & Co. had become due and Christopher Dart was left owing the note. He came to Texas and brought suit against Edwards and began to try to collect debts owed their partnership. On Edwards return he hired John C. Watrous, who had only recently retired as the Attorney General of the Republic of Texas and John W. Harris, outstanding Brazoria lawyer, to defend his claims.
Christopher Dart agreed to 5% on the amount of the judgment if satisfied in his favor to hire his attorneys William H. Jack, Patrick C. Jack, and Robert J. Townes using 10 slaves as collateral, August 18, 1838. Ten slaves were made part of a mortgage: Alfred (hired to F. W. Sawyer), Kitty (hired to Theodore Bennet) Prince, Juqua, Jock, Bob, Manola, Gasha, Ego and Charley.[41] The 1st of November Dart mortgaged all the slaves (91) that were in Edwards possession as well as turning over all the debts owed to Edwards to George Knight & Co. to secure his $35410 note.[42]
Public sympathy seemed to be on Monroe Edwards’ side. Those suspicious about Monroe remembered a court suit brought by Robert Peebles in June 2, 1837, concerning an African slave named Fagbo. Peebles, incredible as it seems, had bought a slave boy named Fagbo from Edwards for $1200, without having seen the boy. When Peebles’ overseer received the slave, he discovered that he was dying of pulmonary consumption and was unable to do any sort of work. Peebles charged that Fagbo had consumption at the time of the sale and was “afflicted with a disease in its nature incurable…that the slave has been valueless ever since the purchase and that in nursing and attending the slave” [43] he had incurred an additional expense of $100. Edwards had certified that the boy was in perfect health, and this certification of that condition was introduced in evidence in the trial. Dr. James B. Miller, who was called in to examine Fagbo, acknowledged that his illness was fatal. The court gave Peebles a judgment of $1,200 plus interest from the date of sale.[44]
By the 1839 tax records it was evident that most of Monroe Edwards’ assets had been liquidated or held separate. The record is listed under Dart & Edwards with 1107 acres of land, 97 Negroes, and 200 head of cattle for a total worth $76,235. [45]
At his trial March 1839 in Brazoria a bill of sale signed by Christopher Dart for his interest in the slaves and property was produced which was proved to be a forgery. A letter written by Christopher Dart had the body of the letter chemically removed and the bill of sale inserted with Dart’s original signature [46]. Edwards was indicted for the capital offense of forgery but was able to post bond and flee Texas with two of his young slaves, Kitty Clover and her brother Henry [47] Their description by another stated “They strongly resembled each other, both having the Congo mark on their cheeks (three perpendicular marks on each side of about two inches in length), they both were very dark, with strong negro features.” [48] Riding on horseback they proceeded by way of Nacogdoches before crossing into Louisiana [49]
In June 1839 James Treat in New York wrote to James Morgan including a passage about Edwards in his lengthy letter:
…You shall know all about Edwards suit, in my P S. It is not very improbable that he will get away from Jail. Jim Prentiss I have but little communion with and Willis Hall is now the Attorney General of the State and of course a very great man. I see but little of him now. I have apprised Henderson about this Edwards affair & c. and also Sam S. & Judge W. came to apprize me of Edwards arrest, and put me on my guard about writing to him & c. a pretty good joke indeed & Judge W. moreover told me he never like the man E. & ___ not be seen in the street with him even in Paris. A pretty fair story don’t you think so?—I told Gen Hamilton of it a week since in Phila He had not then heard of it…[50]
Upon arriving in Mississippi Edwards was arrested for the illegal introduction of the two slaves into the United States, and held to bail, and upon trial was fined $1500, which was subsequently remitted by President Van Buren. [51]
Christopher Dart won his civil suit, April 2, 1840 and was awarded $89,088 with 5% interest from April 1, 1840 subject to debts against and amounts due their partnership, Edwards would be enjoined from selling or conveying any of the property of said firm, and their partnership would be dissolved [52]. Dart would die before the transactions would be complete and his widow, Catherine B. would be made part of the judgment [53].
Reaching New Orleans Kitty was put aboard a ship to Liverpool England with two Spaniards with whom he had done business with on his last shipment of slaves. These men were to be witnesses concerning the slaves which had been smuggled into Texas [54]
May 1840 Monroe Edwards wrote from New Orleans to President Mirabeau Lamar pleading his innocence in the form of a veiled threat: …Said African negros were imposed on me as slaves for life, when in fact they are only apprentices for five years. I was not fully in possession of the facts …said negros are of that description known at Havana as (Amancipados) freed, being captured by a British man of war& brought in as a prize…The facts of the whole case have already been forwarded Her Majesty’s Ministers…I was the innocent instrument of bringing these Africans to Texas, and I am only doing my duty…[55] This letter and a similar one to Sam Houston imply that he might have been trying to use his slaves as a wedge between the Texas and English governments to possibly hinder the successful negotiations for the Texan loan which was currently being pursued by James Hamilton Envoy of the Republic of Texas.
Monroe Edwards and Henry traveled up the Mississippi to Cincinnati Ohio where he began negotiations with the abolitionist community. An article published in the local newspaper proclaimed that Monroe Edwards, Esq., of Iberville, Louisiana had emancipated 163 slaves at Cincinnati. Through this bogus article probably written by Edwards he was able to negotiate a loan and proceed to New York [56]
Writing several letters to Lewis Tappan, a noted abolitionist in New York state, Edwards attempted to raise cash for his trip to England [57]:
City Hotel, June 27, 1840
LEWIS TAPPAN, Esq.
…I this morning commenced a circumstantial narrationof all the facts connected with the 200 Africans now in Texas, upon whose liberation I am determined to hazard every thing. I this morning made an effort through a friend to raise ten per cent of its value upon some valuable real estate that I own in the city of Mobile, …suggested a plan which if it meets the approbation of the friends of universal emancipation here will enable me to visit England…The plan is to raise $5,000 on property in Mobile worth $50,000…I have been led to believe that there are gentlemen here who are zealous in the cause I have now embarked in…I expect their co-operation to enable me to carry out what to me is now the paramount object of my life…My unalterable determination now is to go to England and in person represent the facts of this peculiar case…[58]
Lewis Tappan, however, was very skeptical of Edwards’ claims and found the legal documents of Edwards recorded in Ohio emancipated only two slaves, one in New Orleans and the other in Cincinnati, Kitty and Henry. [59] Edwards, however, obtained another loan and proceeded to England 1st of November from Boston along with Henry and Col. J. S. Winfree (gambler). [60]
Arriving in London Edwards presented a letter of introduction from no less that Daniel Webster to Lord Earl Spencer. This letter obtained a loan of £250 which, of course, was not recovered:
Marshfield, Oct. 29th, 1840
My Lord,
I have taken the liberty to introduce to the honor of your acquaintance, my valued friend Col. M. Edwards, a highly respectable and wealthy planter of Louisiana, who visits England with the view of conferring with H.M. Gov’t. on the subject of 200 African captives, now illegally held as slaves in Texas…he with a magnanimity before unknown, attempted their restoration to freedom, by sending them to an English Colony, but was prevented from doing so by the direct interposition of the Gov’t. of Texas…
Any service it may be in your Lordship’s power to render Col. Edwards in promotion of his most praiseworthy object, will be properly appreciated…[61]
Lord Spencer wrote to Daniel Webster warning him of Edwards’s exploits and Webster published a letter warning the public:
…The accompanying letter, purporting to be written by me, is an entire forgery.
Of this Edwards I had some previous knowledge, as he attempted similar frauds, some time ago, upon the late President of the United States, and my predecessor in the Department of State….[62]
In London James Hamilton found it necessary to expose Edwards:
No. 15 Cockspur Street London November 23, 1840
Sir: I have just been informed by Mr. Stevenson that you have presented to him a letter of introduction, asking his good offices, from the secretary of state of the United States, and that you have a similar letter to General Cass, the American minister at Paris. I beg leave to inform you that I have apprized Mr. Stevenson that you are a fugitive from the public justice of Texas, charged with the commission of an infamous crime. I shall feel it my duty to make a similar communication to General Cass.
I likewise understand that you propose making an application to Lord Palmerston for the aid of her majesty’s government for the purpose of subserving some alleged objects of public justice in Texas . As the representative of the Republic of Texas in Britain, I shall not fail to advise Lord Palmerston of the facts which I have communicated to the representatives of the United States at Paris and London.
I hope you will spare me the pain and necessity of a more detailed and public statement of your recent history in Texas.
I remain your obedient servant,
J. Hamilton, Envoy of the Republic of Texas [63]
James Morgan heard from his friend Samuel Swartout shortly after, acknowledging that Monroe Edwards had left England and was headed to France:
London
31 March 1841
…I heard yesterday that Col Monroe Edwards had left England 6 or 8 weeks ago, after having borrowed about 500£ from his landlord at Long’s Hotel & then forged a receipt to his Bill of upwards of 100£ to impose upon others—With these outfits he made his way for France; it is reputed he has got into some similar scrape & is now in jail—But for God’s sake don’t say you hear this from me--Keep my name out of the question. Say if you speak of it that you recd the news by way of N. York—I dare say you’l have accounts of his conduct, as plenty as black [berries]…[64]
Monroe had left England putting Kitty, who was now pregnant [65], on a ship back to the east coast with Col. Winfree and Mary Moore (celebrated courtesan to put it nicely) while he went on to France.[66] Henry was put in school in England. As France also became too uncomfortable he joined them in New York. He and Kitty, who now had a child, moved to Philadelphia Pennsylvania Here he developed a most remarkable scheme of deception to defraud Brown Brothers & Co. and Fletcher Alexander & Co. of New York City for over $25,000 each. By forging letters of credit from Maunsell, White & Co. of New Orleans he established his new identity John P. Caldwell. Caldwell had more than one thousand bales of cotton worth at least fifty thousand dollars in the hands of Maunsell, White & Co., that any advance predicated on such cotton would be perfectly safe, he and his family were amongst the very few planters of Louisiana who were entirely free from debt, he was solvent and a very wealthy gentleman, and requested that if it would suit their convenience they had authorized him to draw on them for not more than thirty thousand dollars. This rues was perpetrated at both brokerage houses in August and September 1841. [67] After the fraud was discovered a $10,000 reward was posted by Edgar Corrie, Jr. and Brown, Brothers & Co.:
Whereas a person representing himself to be John P. Caldwell, has by means of forged letters of credit obtained upwards of $25,000 from each of the subscribers, notice is hereby given that the above reward will be paid on recovery of the money, or in proportion for any part of the same. [68]
As
the heat was on Monroe Edwards had an associate, Alexander Powell, who he tried
to pin the fraud upon by sending the authorities a letter identifying him as
someone of interest. Powell was to sail from
One of Colt’s revolving pistols 1 money belt
14 pair of pantaloons 1
pair of suspenders
1 bottle of hair dye 1 napkin
4 vests 1
bundle of type
3 coats 1
bundle of stamps
1 cloak 1
pair bullet moulds
1 blouse 1
box of cologne
1 stomach pump 1
powder box containing powder & bullets
1 book
The stamps were most
incriminating since one had “
16 shirts 1 stamp
16 handkerchiefs letters M. E.
1 pair of kid gloves 1
seal with coat of arms
1 blue sash 4
vests
1 bag gold
watch & chain
4 pair boots pair
of spectacles with blue glasses
Another item of interest was a
forged draft on Brown Brothers & Co. dated
Far
from
Monroe
Edwards was caught almost red handed but retained some of the most respected
lawyers on the east coast for his defense, U. S. Senator J. J. Crittenden and
Congressman Thomas F. Marshall[72] both of Kentucky among them. His trial
commenced on
As He Appeared at Trial in 1842 by Two Different Lithographers[74]
Most of Monroe Edwards’ defense stemmed from tampered hotel ledgers in cities on the same dates he was to have been instigating the fraud. A surprise deposition was given by Caroline Phillips, 18 years of age, who professed to be Edwards’ fiancée that he had a large quantity of cash in hand before the dates of the fraud. The prosecution had eye witnesses to Mr. Edwards and Mr. Caldwell being one in the same person, hand writing comparisons, and a clerk who actually marked one of the bags of money given to Mr. Caldwell. This bag was found in one of Edwards’ trunks. Another piece of evidence was the peculiarity in the spelling of the word “few”. In the forged letter signed Maunsell, White & Co. to Messrs. Brown Brothers & Co. this word is spelt “feu”. The same peculiarity was found in three letters written by Monroe Edwards to his friends. All of this in addition to the large amount of cash from an unknown origin.[75]
When Monroe Edwards had skipped out of Texas in 1839 he owed many but left Christopher Dart without title to the Chenango Plantation since his court suit froze Edwards’ assets as of April 18, 1837 [BCDR A: 96]. He had actually sold the plantation to Warren D. C. Hall[77] for $35,500 just days after he purchased it September 1836 [BCDR A: 96]. Warren D. C. Hall quickly sold the property to Vincent A. Drouillard for $40,000 the next month [BCDR A: 1/2]. September 16, 1837 Benjamin Fort Smith ran an advertisement in the Telegraph and Texas Register for the public sale of his previous property and African slaves indicating he had not been paid his latest installment of $18,000. Monroe Edwards’s true involvement with the original transaction became apparent as he included the following with the advertisement:
“As my name is necessarily used in the foregoing adv.,
and as the conclusion would naturally be that I am embarrassed or unable to pay
my debts, in explanation…I will remark that in the purchase of the above named
property I acted merely as the nominal purchaser of one Warren D. C. Hall; the personage
and the property itself being bound for the amount due thereon.
M. EDWARDS
Vincent
Drouillard purchased 600 acres just east of the plantation from Joshua Abbott
[BCDR A: 66/67] and shortly thereafter sold all his holdings to William Jarvis
Russell[78]
for $66,940 December 1836 [BCDR A: 68/70]. Russell added another 1200 acres
purchased from William Christy of
Tracts of Land Making Chenango Plantation
James
Love[79], jurist
and partisan politician, moved to
Tax
records indicate that by 1849 there were 74 slaves, 30 horses, and 1300 head of
cattle on the plantation. February 1849 James Love contracted with Rice, Adams
& Company[82] of
December
1850 Albert T. Burnley sold out his half share to William Sharpe of
In
April 1859 Samuel Green and Edward K. Harding sold their half interest to
Thomas W. Peirce of
William Sharpe 59 M
Eliza A. 45 F La. (Eliza Brown Avery Walsh m. 1854)
Henry 23 M
Robert Walsh 20 M
DudleyA. 18 M
Daniel H. 15 M
Mary 14 F
William 12 M
The slave census lists 19 slaves with 5 slave quarters. The 1860 Agricultural Census lists 600 acres improved and farm machinery valued at $800. He had 2 horses, 34 mules, 20 oxen, and 80 swine. His production was 3000 bushels of corn, 50 bales of cotton, 15 bushels of Irish potatoes, 300 of sweet potatoes, 150 pounds of butter, 8 tons of hay, 200 hogsheads of sugar, and 16,000 gallons of molasses.
Henry Sharp would serve with the Terry’s Texas Rangers during the Civil War. [86] Benjamin F. Terry who organized the regiment would die in their first skirmish. William J. Kyle would also die at home before the end of the war. The estates of both Kyle and Terry sought the division of the property to settle their affairs. August 1864 the lands and slaves were valuated with Sharpe taking the northern tract valued at $83,435 while the southern tract was valued at $54,125. After the division of slaves was complete it was established that Sharpe would owe the Kyle and Terry estates $13,750. December 11, 1866 Henry Sharp married Anna L. Turner.
By
1869 William Sharpe was again heavily in debt trying to make the Chenango
Plantation operational. He lost a judgment for $34,641.12 to Henry H. Williams
and $18,726.40 to John L Darragh of
Previous to the sale William Sharpe wrote John L. Darragh requesting the opportunity to lease or rent the property for the next few years:
Judge J. L. Darragh
I
am here in consequence of the ill health of my wife…I would like to rent the
Chenango Plantation for a term, say one, two, or three years, provided I can do
it in time, which would be by the first of October next so as to enable me to
lay away sufficient quantity of seed for the next year. It is all important to
plant a least one third of a cane crop annually…I find that I can certainly
procure labor, a thing, heretofore doubtful. Those hands on the plantation,
express a wish that I should remain, and declare their determination to leave
when I do…I take it for granted that you and Capt. H. H. Williams will buy the
plantation…[87]
John L. Darragh’s partner’s son John H. Williams was anxious to sell or the lease the property writing Darragh on several occasions making suggestions as to advertise for the rent or sale and letting know him know Alex Compton was interested “to rent the sugar plantation for 4 years at $1500 per year provided it is furnished with teams & utensils”.[88] The following advertisement appeared toward the end of the year:
FOR
A VALUABLE SUGAR AND COTTON
IN
The
Plantation formerly owned and cultivated by Kyle & Terry, and Sharp, known
as “Chenango,” situated as above, on the line of the Houston Tap and Brazoria
Railroad, containing about 1750 acres of land, 800 of which are in cultivation
and 250 acres in an excellent crop of cane, with all the best appliances and
machinery for making sugar and cotton, is offered for sale or lease, commencing
January 1, 1871, for the year or a longer period.
The
mules, horses, and utensils now employed in carrying on the plantation, which
was a good state of cultivation, also a supply of plant cane, can be had at a
fair price from the owners, the present lessees on the plantation. Ample timber
convenient. For terms apply to
J.
L. DARRAGH,
or
BALLINGER, JACK & MOTT
Evidently William Sharp was able to give them the best offer and his experience from having operated the plantation from 1848. One of the contracts for 1876 states that it is similar to their agreement in 1873 between John L. Darragh, John H. Williams and William H. Sharp with the following terms:
…shall each furnish 1/3 of all monies required for current expenses and
shall each be 1/3 interested in the proceeds of all crops & rents or
profits of the Plantation after deducting all expenses…the cultivation of the
Plantation …shall be under the Superintendance of W. H. Sharp …The said W. H.
Sharp shall receive $1000 in compensation of his services…The owners shall
receive a rent of $3000 payable out of the crop…The crop of cotton & sugar
shall all be shipped to the agents of the Plantation at Galveston & Houston & by them sold & the
net proceeds in their hands, shall be chargeable first with expenses incurred in
the conduct of the business during the year, next with salary of the
superintendent, then with the rent aforesaid payable to the owners of the
Plantation, after which the residue of the net proceeds if any shall be equally
divided between the parties of the contract…[89]
The 1876 expenses were $6542.77 while their total proceeds from crops was estimated to be $9219.07. J.L. Darragh’s share was estimated at $2792.22, J. H. Williams’ at $3687.16, and W. H. Sharp’s at $2739.69. The cash crops mainly consisted of 34 bales of cotton at $1331.26 and 55 hogsheads of sugar at $5497.16, and molasses sales of $1923.05. Fifteen workers shared in the cotton crop receiving $380.43 with some of them already receiving $123.40[90]
The year 1877 has some expenses listed for the sugar house maintenance giving an idea what part of the year different types of maintenance were being performed:
1877
Jan F.
Narbons act. for 1876 service as Machinist Boiler $10.00
Same
machinery
at S.H. $40.00
C. H. Thomas Black Smith grate puting in S.H. Windows
$16.25
Feb.
Brick $100.00
April
Hinges
for us of S.H. Mill Room $1.25
Work
at Gin House
$58.50
W. G. Mosely
Maps of
May
Cement
for S.H.
$29.25
FirebrickforS.H. $54.40
Shingles
& Sash for S.H. $52.65
June
Building
Cistern S.H.
$25.00
Cleaning
brick
$51.84
Aug
Pump
for Cistern
$19.95
Sept
Work
on boiler tubes
$19.10
Gin
& feeder
$16.40
October
taking flues from S.H. Boiler $20.00
Placing
new tubes S.H. $30.00
Nov
Copper
pipes for clarifiers $29.95
Pipes Pumps & c. $14.60
Hoses
for S.H. of ?
$29.50
3
pipes & fittings ? S.H.
$7.95
Lumber
& Shingles
$13.77
Nails
& c. $11.80
Material
for SH.
$50.30
Sundry
other Material S.H. $12.35[91]
Additional expenses listed over 591 cords of wood cut costing $441.35. Hogsheads, molasses barrels and kegs cost another $502.30. Wages paid for sugar making to C. S. Bennett and Charley Hawkins $120. Also listed is the payment of $600 to Captain Turner for his supertindance. The total expenses for 1877 approached $12,000 with half that being labor.[92] No list of crops produced was given.
William Sharpe and his wife moved back to Baton Rouge, Louisiana to the home of Samuel Walsh where he died in 1877 and his wife in 1884. His son Henry would stay on as manager for several more years not selling out their own personal property on the plantation until 1881. William also had part interest in a store in Chenango Station which was located just east on the International and Great Northern Railroad spur. He became Brazoria County Sheriff in 1879 and served until 1888. He died October 16, 1897 and was buried in the old graveyard in West Columbia with his wife and first son William.
1880 Census
William 44M Sheriff
Annie 37F
Andrew T. 10M son
Lou 8F daughter
Aileen 3F daughter
Katie B. 11mo. daughter
The Darragh family would sell their interest in 1881 to Rebecca A. Williams; and in 1884 she sold everything to A. C. Barnes for $10,500. In four years he was able to pay off his note and received clear title to ~3850 acres. Several owners and developers have owned the property since. The ruins of the sugar mill are the only structural remains from that era. The 1900 hurricane demolished most the structures that had remained until that time. Abner Strobel who was manager of the plantation stated: “Out of the 85 houses on the plantation in my charge, the next morning there were none habitable—practically all blown to splinters…”[93] Abner Strobel with his family lived in the second story of the sugar mill and had at least one daughter born there a week before the hurricane. He never owned a car and always rode in a buggy.
Mary and Lilly Barnard lived in the house as children in 1915 recalled:
“It was the oddest house,” says the younger
sister, Lilly. The first floor of the brick building was 16 steps up from the
ground girdled by a round verandah which was attached to three sides of the
house. On this level were two large rooms. From the rooms on the first level of
the house six more steps led to two rooms above. One of these was used as the
family’s living-dining room. From that floor was another flight of 21 steps on
the outside leading down to the ground in the rear of the house and to the
separate building which was the kitchen. There also was a second flight of six
steps which led directly to the verandah.
“It
was a fine modern kitchen,” claimed Mary Barnard, “I like it.” For 1915 it
probably was well equipped, with its built-in cabinets, wood-burning stove and
a sink with water piped in from the well.
Their
mother didn’t care for the inconvenience of going out in the weather to cook
and carry food up 21 steps to serve, so she had the stove moved up to the
living room and turned it into a kitchen, too. Water was brought from the
cistern on the verandah.
Each
of the four rooms had its own fireplace. Underneath the first floor of the
house was a storm cellar …
During
the War Between the States it was said to have been used as a prison for Yankee
prisoners. A smallpox epidemic broke out at that time, resulting in the death
of many prisoners and many of the slaves on the plantation. The Barnards say
they have seen a graveyard on the northeast end of the property where the
victims had been buried, but it was not marked, nor kept up, even at that time.
In
the early 1900’s Chenango was purchased by Dr. Harvey Motherell of Angleton.
The north side of the lake on the plantation was farmed by blacks, many
descendants of former slaves, while the southern part was farmed mainly by
German families. [The house at Chenango…Ill-fated as its first owner, Peggy
Case, The Brazosport Facts, Freeport,
Texas August 7, 1974]
Several owners and developers have held the property during the past century. The property is now under development with the exact locations of the home site and slave quarters under question. The sugar mill is in a state of ruin with its roof falling in though many of the old mortise and tenon beams still remain. One underground cistern and a well are located west of the mill.
Chenango Plantation
~1920’s [
Chenango Sugar Mill
May 13, 1934
The Chenango remains after huricand Ike. These remains were leveled in 2014
West End of Chenango
Sugar Mill at time of Survey 2006
Appendix A
Bejamnin Fort Smith
to
|
Harry |
Tomy |
|
Cuggo |
Bancola |
|
Caro |
Peter |
Simon |
Itassi |
|
|
George |
William |
Juacco |
Anthony |
|
|
Dick |
Adeligna |
Daniel |
Eli |
All African |
Appendix B
James Love Mortgage Robert and D. G. Mills
|
Harry |
Adeligua |
Dick |
Yuoca |
Bob |
|
George |
Atalla |
Pete |
Tomy |
Ega and Child |
|
?lick |
Daniel |
Cojo |
Simon |
|
|
Bancola |
Willowee |
|
Tom |
|
|
Additional 8 women purchased by William Russell from
Monroe Edwards $7200 |
Tally |
|
2 Additional African Women |
|
|
Nancy & 2 Children |
Sally |
|
Charlotte & children |
|
|
Lucinda & 1 Child |
Clara |
|
Big Sally & children |
|
|
Alaba & 2 children |
Mary |
|
|
|
|
Jena & 1 child |
|
|
|
|
Appendix C
James Love Mortgage Nathaniel Ware
|
Harry |
Daniel |
Women |
Children |
|
Bancola |
Lewis |
Rose |
Eliza, Anthony |
|
Bob |
Jim |
Ega |
Opa, John, Frank, Jane Judy |
|
Addo |
Charles |
|
Caroline, Julia |
|
Ellich |
All Grown
Together |
Sally |
Malinda, Beshar |
|
George |
|
Fanny |
Tartor, Delta |
|
Itatio |
|
|
Gulens, Love |
|
Tony |
|
Malinda |
Mary, Martha, David |
|
Cudjo |
|
Lucinda |
Abbee, Henry |
|
Colo |
|
Sabine |
Polly, Caesar |
|
Dick |
|
Aliba |
LBill, Keto , Jack, Emiline |
|
Tom |
|
|
Louis, Martha, Jane |
|
Adelazua |
|
Muy |
Sam, Sally, Willowell grown |
Appendix D
James Love Mortgage William Rice & Charles W. Adams
|
Harry |
Yua |
Women |
Children |
|
Bancola |
Daniel |
Rose |
Eliza, Anthony |
|
Bob |
Lewis |
Ega |
Oscar, John, Frank, Jane Judy |
|
Addo |
Jim |
|
Caroline, Julan |
|
Ellick |
Charles |
Sally |
Malinda, Besha |
|
George |
All Grown
Together |
Fanny |
Lushe, Delta |
|
Italee |
|
|
Julius, Love |
|
Toney |
Original Africans |
Malinda |
Mary, Martha, David |
|
Cudjo |
Of |
Lucinda |
Abby, Henry |
|
Coca |
Ben F. Smith |
Sabine |
Polly, Carsai |
|
Dick |
|
Aliba |
Bill, Kits , Jack, Emiline |
|
Tom |
|
|
Louis, Martha, Jane |
|
Adela |
|
Mary |
Jane, Sally, Willowa grown |
Appendix E
William Sharpe to Green, Harding & Company
|
Name |
Age |
Name |
Age |
|
Ben Collie |
38 Yrs |
Isaac |
3 Mos. |
|
Lucinda |
36 |
Dilaper |
35 |
|
Delia |
5 |
Sallie |
33 |
|
Aleck |
35 |
Malinda |
11 |
|
|
33 |
Ann |
8 |
|
Louis |
15 |
Daniel |
35 |
|
Jane |
13 |
Malinda |
35 |
|
Martha |
12 |
Mary |
16 |
|
Martin |
7 |
Misson |
14 |
|
Clarissa |
5 |
Darcy |
12 |
|
Jesse |
3 |
Scippio |
10 |
|
|
8 |
Toby |
3 |
|
Peter |
4 |
Tom |
35 |
|
|
45 |
Rose |
33 |
|
Alaba |
35 |
Anthony |
11 |
|
Jack |
14 |
Simon |
8 |
|
Adelina |
10 |
Cudjoe |
40 |
|
Tanice |
6 |
Hyanea |
35 |
|
Teche |
3 |
Joe Cudjoe |
14 |
|
Addo |
45 |
Martha Ann |
10 |
|
Terese |
35 |
Big Lewis |
35 |
|
July |
16 |
Sabine |
32 |
|
Caroline |
13 |
Infant |
6 Mos. |
|
Sarah |
10 |
Eagel |
35 |
|
Emily |
2 |
Bob |
35 |
|
Dick |
35 |
Mary |
38 |
|
Little Sallie |
35 |
O Sue |
20 |
|
Joe Dick |
13 |
J. Burny |
1 |
|
Willie Ure |
50 |
John |
17 |
|
Nanny |
35 |
Frank |
15 |
|
Delta |
15 |
Judy |
9 |
|
|
35 |
Scippio |
7 |
|
Mary |
35 |
Big Jim |
35 |
|
Polly |
14 |
Sam |
16 |
|
Ceasar |
10 |
Abel |
7 |
|
Eliza |
8 |
|
|
Appendix F
1836 To Schooner Kusiosko & Owners
June To Ashmore
Edwards passage from
“ Mr. Monroe from Sabine “ “ “ 10.00
“ passage 40 Negroes from “ 250.00
“ “ 54 “ from Bolivar 150.00
and detention of vessel 2 days at
Point Bolivar
In Bringing
Boat from Sabine 10.00
$440.00
the Above Account is
Correct
James Spilman [James Morgan Papers 31-0376]
Appendix G
Chenango Plantation
By Marie Beth Jones[95]
(Printed in The Brazosport Facts 1960)
1947 1960 1960
He was a
Monroe Edwards was the sort of
man who inspired confidence in members of his own sex and fluttering hearts
among the ladies. From a refined and proud old
Edwards mingled with the wealth and
nobility of Europe, entertaining lavishly on the continent and telling
carefully modest—and entirely false—stories of his own heroism during the war
for
The Indian name of Chenango,
which he gave his plantation after a town in
A few hand sawn timbers from
that building have been preserved though the residence has long since been
destroyed by the elements. Two huge brick cisterns are buried underground at
that site.
Looking strangely out of place
in the modern Brazoria County Courthouse are crumbling, yellowed papers
inscribed in an almost illegible handwriting. They concern suits, trials and
land transfers in which Edwards was involved and form a large part of the early
court and deed records of this county. Still others are to be found in
Above all, there is the story of
a fabulous man who might have been a great power in developing early
Apprenticed to James Morgan,
Edwards’ life in
Though the Edwards family had
once been wealthy,
Morgan withstood the temptation
presented by those letters for two years before he and
Ashmore had moved to
Monroe Edwards has but one
favorable claim to recognition in history, and even that is open to some
criticism. He was one of 16 Texans who were imprisoned at
There were immediate reactions,
both for and against the actions at
One of
Whatever the wisdom of their
act, Edwards was for once in good company. Among those imprisoned with him were
William B. Travis, later to receive immortality at the
It was the following year
Edwards was seen by Mary Jane Harris of the family for whom
She noted his “rich and gaudy
attire, his flashing diamonds, and his gaily caparisoned horse.”
Another source mentions silver
trim on his saddle and bridle and his silver spurs.
A man of luxurious tastes, this
Monroe Edwards, and one who had no qualms about how he financed them. [The Facts,
Slave trading was a profitable
business back in 1833 if you had the stomach for it and were smart enough—or
lucky enough—not to get caught.
Monroe Edwards had met a man
named Holcroft in
All it required was a man with
the nerve to wink at the law and the cash to grease enough palms for the law to
wink back, Holcroft told Edwards. He would furnish the cash, Holcroft added
hastily. About that time Edwards became convinced that this was the opportunity
he had been waiting for.
Anxious to protect his
reputation and concerned at his family’s opinion should they know of his plans,
Edwards was cautious in broaching the subject to his mother. “I’ve been offered
an opportunity to engage in profitable business in
If Mrs. Edwards suspected
anything was wrong or had any doubts that
Edwards and Holcroft sailed from
The voyage brought with it many
complications and hardships, and at time Edwards must have wondered whether the
scheme was as clever as he had first thought. Finally, though, the hazardous
trip was finished, the slaves sold, and the profits were beyond Edwards’
wildest dreams.
They purchased 196 Africans at
an average price of $25 each and had sold them for about $600 each, realizing a
net profit of more than $100,000, of which, Edwards received on-half.
For that sort of profit, a man
could withstand a few inconveniences, could afford to take some chances,
Edwards decided. There is little doubt that he began then to make plans for the
future.
When he returned to his home, he
disclosed only the success of the business venture, not going into its methods.
His mother was elated at the news, heaping praise on
A large part of that money was
used to purchase a vast acreage in the rich bottom lands of northern
The family sold their place at
Red Fish Bar, and
He had established himself
firmly as a Southern planter in the months since that first smuggling trip, and
now he sought the advantages travel can bring.
He paid a lengthy visit to his
family in
Using the charm so many people
seemed to find irresistible,
According to law, slavery was
prohibited in
Reciprocal treaties between
The law required that after 10
years these slaves were to be liberated. A slave for 10 years was understandably, worth considerably less
than one required to serve his entire life. At the going rates, such
apprentices brought about $200 in
Edwards and Dart schemed to by
the slaves at
Edwards was in charge of the
Negroes during the trip from
Crowded into the hold of the
ship Shenandoah, the slaves moaned in terror at what would become of them. None
had found the 19-day journey from
The first load of slaves was
unloaded on
The date is one remembered by
Texans for another reason. On that same day, the Texas Declaration of
Independence was signed at
While his main occupation may
have had little to do with planting, Monroe Edwards gathered about him the
equipment and buildings necessary to that occupation including a fine sugar
house, its bricks hand made by slaves at Chenango Plantation, its double
kettles capable of processing quantities of the cane juice each season.
One historian describes Edwards
as being kind and generous to his slaves who “all thought kindly of him, and
thought there was on one his equal…to the last they revered his memory.”
Be that as it may, the Brazoria
County Grand Jury for the Spring Term , 1838, thought differently.
Some of his slaves were accused
of stealing two barrels of sugar and five sacks of corn, all valued at $106. As
their master, Edwards was held responsible and the charge of theft was lodged
against him.
In the indictment the Grand Jury
said, “The Negroes of Munro Edwards have for some time been guilty of numerous
thefts in the neighborhood of
The case was dismissed, but such
a charge leaves at least a little doubt as to Edwards’ kindness and generosity.
A peaceable man who had no
quarrel with the Mexican government—after all they had allowed him to make a
fortune on some pretty questionable transactions—Edwards decided he needed a
change of climate when the time came for Texans to fight for independence.
Leaving Chenango and his other
holdings for his brother, Ashmore, to care for, Monroe journeyed to
Not content to limit his social
accomplishments to any one place though, he traveled on to
On to
For some time
In a letter to Dart, he urged
that he should visit
Always the gentleman, Edwards
was on hand to meet his partner there, registering for the two of them at the
that city’s finest hotel, introducing Dart to the society and pleasures of the
fabulous city, and making plans to spend several days there rather than rush
immediately into business.
Hidden in the crowds on the
dock, another man took note of Dart’s arrival with a great deal of interest. It
was the gambler who bore such an uncanny resemblance to
Taking note of Dart’s attire,
his gestures, his manner of speaking, the gambler purchased clothing as nearly
as possible duplicating Dart’s. He then took his purchases to his room in
another hotel and began practicing in front of a mirror, waiting to be called
on stage by Monroe Edwards.
The resemblance was so great
that none of the people who had already met the Mississippian had any idea they
were now talking to someone else. As the imposter and Monroe chatted of
inconsequential matters to Captain Peyton R. Splane; recently a member of the
“Glad to do it,” that gentleman
replied, ”Always glad to be of service.”
Handing the documents to Captain
Splane,
The
The real Dart completed his
letter writing, and returned to
That was the clerk who had
stopped at Dart’s room on a minor errand and had noticed the gentleman had
taken off his shirt and was writing at a table. Returning immediately
downstairs, the man was almost sure he saw Dart talking fully clothed, with
Captain Splane and Edwards. For a few minutes he wondered about the oddity of
the situation and then dismissed it as of no importance.
After a visit of several days at
Chenango, Dart returned to Natchez, convinced his partner was a prince of a
fellow and an astute businessman, and that Chenango Plantation and its slaves
represented a fine investment. [The Facts
In January of 1838, Monroe
Edwards decided he had gathered enough moss in early
As a preliminary to his voyage,
he took a trip to
No matter that his last trip had
been taken mainly to evade service in the army of the
His introduction to the society
of
“He was not only a colonel but a
Edwards was entertained and
feted, taken to sites of interest, and introduced with a note of triumph. Over
and over he was asked to tell about
As the Gazette explained it,
“There was also the consoling thought that an opportunity would arise in the
course of things, to redeem the wounds of his purse through the same avenues by
which it had been drained. Keeping his eye always bent upon his chance of
replenishment, he continued his expensive course of life, supporting a
mistress, and sporting a tandem with the most ambitious bloods of the metropolis.”
He attended the coronation of
Queen
Though they hated to see him go,
his British friends agreed that a man must protect his interests and bade him
goodbye. One of the most prolonged and tearful of those farewells came from a
lady of quality with whom Edwards parted in
When he returned to
Ashmore was indignant at the
very thought of Dart’s duplicity, explaining that the property was under
sequestration and that Dart had accused
Monroe of attempting to defraud him of his interest in their partnership land
and slaves.
Edwards hired John C. Watrous,
who had only recently retired as the attorney general of the
Public sympathy seemed to be on
Those suspicions about
Edwards admitted selling the
slave to Peebles at a price of $1200. He had given Peebles a warranty that the
slave was sound, but Peebles charged that Fagbo had consumption at the time of
the sale and was “afflicted with a disease in its nature incurable…that the
slave has been valueless ever since the purchase and that in nursing and
attending the slave” he had incurred and additional expense of $100.
Peebles’ attorneys were William
and P.C. Jack, the latter on of
Though
Despite this caution, they found
it difficult to believe
In the days between Monroe Edwards’ return to
He was also prone to deep sighs for the English lady
he had been forced to leave, and began casing about for a handy substitute.
Before long he came to notice one of the slaves at Chenango, a beautiful and
seductive girl of 15 years who bore the appealing name of Kitty Clover.
Kitty was the illegitimate child
of a Spanish grandee in
“Her plump limbs being already
touched with a voluptuous finish that would have made her a fortune as a model
artiste, and had been gifted by nature with a Caucasian skin. As it was, her
pelt was but little darker than a golden brown…She had no blushes to suppress,
and her civil dependence left without condition to make or calculations to
consider. She gave nothing but what would become the windfall of some sooty
Tarquin, and in exchange she got ease, luxury and a celestial lover. Who could
blame her for the bargain?”
When the trial began, Brazoria
Countians crowded the courtroom to see Dart take the stand as first witness in
the case. Dart’s attorneys were the firm of Jack and Townes of Brazoria,
experienced and well known.
Their fee was to be five per
cent of the judgment or two and a half per cent of any compromise settlement.
As earnest money for that fee, Dart mortgaged 10 of the Chenango slaves to
them.
Edwards’ attorneys showed two
bills of sale bearing the signature Christopher Dart. One of them conveyed
Dart’s interest in the partnership lands, the others his half interest in the
slaves, to Edwards.
The signatures of Captain Peyton
R. Splane, John F. Pettus and Ashmore Edwards were inscribed on both bills of
sale as witnesses.
“Is that your signature?” the
attorney demanded.
With shaking hands, Dart
accepted the instrument from the attorney and looked at it long and hard. His
expression became stricken as he answered in a low voice, “I believe it is.” Horrified, his attorney said “Then
we abandon the case.”
“No,” said Dart quickly. “No. I
didn’t mean that I signed it. I never signed such an instrument as that. It’s a
forgery!”
A stir filled the crowded
courtroom as neighbors and friends of Monroe Edwards whispered and Judge
Benjamin C. Franklin had to ask for quiet.
Ashmore Edwards took the stand.
“Yes, I signed the instruments as witness,” he testified. “Dart was present
then and when Capt. Splane and Mr. Pettus signed them. I saw them sign in his
presence.”
His testimony carried the ring
of truth, for Ashmore Edwards believed it to be true. He as was as much fooled
by Monroe’s trick as everyone else had been and had not the slightest suspicion
that the man with Monroe when the witnesses signed those papers was a gambler
from Baton Rouge.
Sitting with his attorneys, Dart
had picked up the instruments and was examining them again. Suddenly he made a
small exclamation, and began to whisper to his counsel. Dramatically, the lawyers jumped to their feet, asking Judge
Franklin for a recess.
“Important evidence has come to
our attention,” they explained, approaching the bench. “We should like to have
time to plan our procedure in the light of this new evidence.”
They were careful to give
Edwards and his lawyers no indication as to what the discovery had been.
Actually Dart had recognized the paper used in the bills of sale as a special
foolscap he used only for letter writing. With that discovery came the
suspicion that the documents were actually letters from which all the writing
except the signature had been erased chemically, with bill of sale written
later.
There were two men in
Andrews was called to the stand.
Despite vigorous objects by Edwards’ attorneys, the court ruled that he could
apply certain chemical tests to the documents.
Conferring hurriedly with
Edwards his lawyers could do nothing to prevent the chemical tests after the
court had ruled. With a growing conviction that their case was lost, they
watched faint spidery lines, clearly distinct from the bill of sale become
apparent as Andrews applied his tests.
Dr. Stewart then took the stand,
agreeing with Andrews that there had been writing on the paper before the bill
of sale, and that the original writing had been removed by chemical means.
The situation looked bad for
Monroe Edward, but he had not hired the most famous lawyers in the Republic for
nothing. They were prepared to fight for their client.[The Facts,
Monroe Edwards had chosen his
attorney well. John C. Watrous, who had formerly been attorney general for the
“Your honor,” they said to Judge
Benjamin C. Franklin, “we ask in all fairness to Mr. Edwards if he should be
held responsible for any use Mr. Dart may have made of the paper before the
bills of sale were drawn?”
After all, they said, their
client had witnesses to the transaction. Ashmore Edwards had already testified
to signing the papers in
Despite the eloquent pleas of
Edwards’ attorneys, the jury returned a verdict against him. The partnership
property of Dart and Edwards was valued at $99,088. Judge Franklin, who
presided over the First District of the
Even worse things were in store
for Monroe Edwards. The following day, still smarting from the loss of this
suit, he and his brother Ashmore Edwards were arrested in Brazoria by County
Sheriff Robert J. Calder. Both were charged with forgery, and in
The news of this new development
traveled fast, and before long had reached even the ears of the 15-year-old
slave girl named Kitty Clover, whom
Without hesitation, Kitty Clover
made plans to help her master as best she could. She borrowed clothes from one
of the male slaves at Chenango and disguised herself as a boy, leaving Chenango
Plantation at
To the surprise of the jailer
there she announced, “I’m one of Massa Edwards’s boys. I’d like to see him. My
name is Henry Clover.”
Apparently without suspicion,
the jailer unlocked the door of Edwards’s cell to admit “Henry” and authorities
decided to allow Edwards to keep his slave with him as a personal servant.
Still working in behalf of their
client, Edwards’ attorneys journeyed to
The hearing was held within a
few days, Edwards traveling to
Edwards and his attorney John C.
Watrous decided to remain in
For
Reaching
This was the hotel clerk who had
seen Dart sitting shirtless in his room writing letters one minute, and
completely dressed, talking in the hotel lobby with Edwards and Captain Splane,
the next minute.
The clerk had long since put the
puzzling incident from his mind, but reports of the Dart-Edwards trial had
recalled it. Sure now that the man he had seen in the hotel lobby was an
imposter, the clerk’s testimony was sure to send Edwards to prison.
According to the plan she and
Edwards had made in San Antonio Kitty secured a horse and traveled to an inn
about 40 miles from Brazoria, where she waited for her master to arrive. Slipping a note to Edwards as he passed
through the stable, Kitty waited there until he had an opportunity to read the
message and come back outside. Without pausing he whispered that they would
leave at
Kitty had the horses saddled
when
They approached cautiously,
checking for any sign of activity that would mean authorities were waiting for
them. They stopped long enough to pack food and clothing and a bag of gold
Then they rode off toward the
southwest, leaving
Though Monroe Edwards had many
faults, lack of self-confidence was never one of them. Leaving Chenango
Plantation in
He told his mother a long sad
tale of how he had been persecuted, picked upon and robbed by trusted friends.
The story bore little resemblance to the truth, but he was always a convincing
liar.
After a short visit with his
family,
Looking up a wealthy planter he had known
earlier, Edwards was introduced to
He had the necessary papers
drawn up and by that time was held in high esteem by his abolitionist friends
that one of them was only too happy to cash a check for Edwards in the amount
of $2,000.
This meant a quick move to
Before the European voyage,
Edwards had written letters of inquiry on a host of different subjects to
several dignitaries and politicians. His
plan of receiving the replies bearing the signatures of such persons as Daniel
Webster, Martin Van Buren John Forsyth and others worked well. He then
proceeded to use his knowledge of chemical ink erasure to rid the paper of all
except the signatures, and to write in glowing introduction of Colonel Monroe
Edwards to high ranking British officials.
With these documents he and
“Henry” left for England, where Monroe hoped to cause all sorts of trouble
between England and the Republic of Texas over slaves which Monroe himself, had
smuggled some four years earlier.
He was convinced that this plot
would not only bring him respect and prestige in
It is indicative of Edwards’
supreme self confidence that he dared let his whereabouts be known to anyone of
importance in
In a letter to Texas President
Mirabeau B. Lamar, Edwards wrote from
Edwards explained that though
Dart had sold them to him representing them as slaves for life, they were
actually captured by a British man-of-war and brought to
Edwards gave the whole details
of the transaction—glossing over only his part in it—and advised Lamar that the
public should not purchase the Negroes since England would surely see to it
that they were released.
He was hoping his plan would
prove as profitable as the forged letters of introduction he was using in
General James Hamilton,
What he learned caused him to
write still another letter, this one to Edwards, informing him that the past
had caught up with him. “I hope you will spare me the pain and necessity of a
more detailed and public statement of your recent history in
Edwards made plans to leave as
soon as possible, but a voyage would take money. Therefore, he planned a last
touch to end his English social career. News of his past had preceded him,
however, and he was ordered from the office of Lord Brougham. That gentleman,
one of Edwards’ closest friends in
Forced by approaching motherhood
to resume the dress of a woman, Kitty Clover was sent back to the
Edwards had provided ample funds
for her to live well until he could join her, and had entrusted them to Winfree.
Edwards’ friends were not all honest, however, and Winfree kept the money for
himself.
Without funds, Kitty entered the
charity ward of
Kitty followed him in a short
time, and she and the child were installed with a Negro family there.
Despite the loyalty and devotion
she had always shown, it was Kitty’s presence in
Not the sort of person to gamble
for small stakes, Monroe Edwards assumed the name of John P. Caldwell during his operation in
In this way he obtained a loan
of $25,119.52, and when the financial geniuses found they had been led down the
garden path, they offered rewards totaling $25,000 for the apprehension of the
responsible parties.
On the day Powell’s boat was due
to sail, Monroe wrote an anonymous letter to the New York office of the bankers
from whom he had obtained the generous loan, suggesting that they might be
interested in Alexander Powell and listing the name of his boat.
He thought the boat would have
already sailed, and this would throw police well off his own track. To his
consternation, however, he learned that departure of Powell’s boat had delayed.
Quickly he sent a second anonymous letter to the bankers, cautioning them that
the first was a mistake and that Powell was actually a wealthy and influential
person and should not be bothered.
The authorities were suspicious
enough to arrest Powell, anyway. Confronted with the two letters, Powell
recognized his partner’s handwriting, and “squealed” loud and long concerning
Edwards’ part in the swindle.
Though they knew who they were
looking for, authorities had little or no idea of where to look.
With an infant to care for,
Kitty could not travel as fast as would be necessary for
The delay cost him his freedom.
The next morning officers appeared to arrest him. They also arrested Kitty
Clover because of the attempted deposit, but later released her when they
learned of her involvement with Edwards and the fact that she was a slave. A
search of Edwards’ trunks revealed $43,600.
Edwards knew good attorneys were
his one hope. He hired George M. Dallas, one time mayor of
Edwards was sent to the Tombs, a
jail in
He hoped this would provide an
alibi, and had his brother, Ashmore Edwards, check the registers to be certain
his name appeared on the proper dates.
The trial created a sensation.
An issue of the National Gazette shortly afterward reported the following:
“Long before the hour appointed
for opening of the court, the room was crowded to suffocation, and those who
could not obtain admission were choking up the aisles and buzzing in loitering
bands about the lower dormitories of the great halls. Now and then a policeman
or two would cut a passage for a shining train of ladies, but no sooner had
they glided past that the sweaty crowd closed in upon their wake, like the
press of turbid waters after the pile of soft white foam that curls over on the
wounded wave.
Their description might be a
little poetic by modern standards, but there is no doubt the hall was crowded.
The experienced Edwards even had his pocket picked, losing about $200.
The case began by Congressman
Marshall challenging Colonel Webb, the editor of the Courier and Enquirer, to a
duel. That challenge was answered by Webb’s jumping to his feet and accepting
before the judge could restore order.
The challenge arose from a
statement in Webb’s paper that
Despite the manufactured
evidence of the hotel registrations, the jury found Edwards guilty, and he was
sent back to the Tombs to await his sentence.
Congressman Marshall and Colonel
Webb fought the much publicized duel, in which Webb received a minor wound and
Far from
Unwilling to admit defeat,
Edwards bribed the boy who brought his meals to furnish him with a crow-bar, a
watch-spring, a small package of sleeping potion, some fine glazed gun powder
and a ball of cord. Somehow the plan was discovered and authorities confiscated
the materials.
The
Almost smirking, Edwards broke
into the remarks saying, “Very complimentary indeed sir.”
“Your remarks, sir,” said the
judge coldly, “make no difference in the allotted sentence. You are consigned
to 10 years imprisonment in the state prison at Sing Sing; being five years on
each conviction. In this the court goes to the extreme of the law. Had the law
admitted of a longer term, the court would have imposed it on you-for, under
the circumstances of the case, there can be no mitigation!”
About the time he was being
shipped of to prison his personal effects were being sold at a sheriff’s
auction. The trunks were unpacked and bidders were offered a multitude of
items.
Sold at the auction were such
things as a Colt pistol, a pair of bullet moulds, a powder flask with powder
and bullets, a seal with coat of arms, a gold watch and chain, a stomach pump,
a money belt, a box of cologne, a bottle of hair dye, a box containing stamps
and die, and a stamp lettered “Paid”.
The wardrobe went, too including
6 coats, 8 vests, 14 pairs of pantaloons, 16 shirts, and one blue sash.
Despite being faced by all these
adverse circumstances, Edwards was not the sort of person to give up hope. In
prison he continued to scheme and plan, his thoughts now centering upon escape.
Convincing a prison agent that
he still owned vast lands in
“When this note is found, Monroe
Edwards will be no more,” he wrote. A fellow prisoner planted the note, along
with Edwards’ coat and cap, on the prison wharf at the river. Obtaining
permission to go from the shoe shop where he worked out into the prison yard,
the friend was signaled. Then Edwards slipped into the box and latched it
behind him as the friend raised a cry about a man having fallen into the river.
The river was dragged, but no
body was found. Warden Angus McDuffie was no man’s fool and had much experience
with attempts at escape. He began a search of the prison. Dozens of times
footsteps thudded past the box where
As described by the New York Herald, “He was placed on the
whipping post, his back bared, and a strong athletic keeper selected who
applied some 50 lashes with a cat-o-nine tails to his quivering flesh”.
Remembrance of such a punishment
might have deterred a less stubborn man, but
Shortly afterward he
died-supposedly as a result of that beating-and was buried in the prison burial
ground far from his native
Edwards had bought Chenango
Plantation in
Dart died while the property was
still in litigation, his wife becoming the plaintiff in the cases.
Now the property of General R.
C. Kuldell of Houston, little remains of Edwards’ tenure at Chenango except for
the old sugar mill which has been designated by the Library of Congress in
Washington, D. C., as one of the old buildings which should be preserved.
Though they have re-roofed it to
prevent further damage, the Kuldells have not attempted to restore the sugar
mill, feeling it should be left as it is.
Numerous barns and sheds and
several houses have been built at Chenango. In addition the Kuldells recently
constructed a small but lovely summer home, rustic in style, the use of a great
deal of glass providing a perfect view of the lake nearby.
Registered cattle graze where once fields of sugar
cane were worked by slaves smuggled from
